Nigeria’s tariff reset and the future of Nigerian manufacturing

Written by Damilola Aina

Nigeria’s new import duty overhaul is neither a retreat into economic isolation nor an unconditional embrace of free trade. Instead, it is a calculated attempt to protect strategic domestic industries today while preparing them to compete in Africa’s emerging single market tomorrow.

By selectively raising tariffs on products where local production is considered viable, reducing duties on inputs critical to manufacturing, and committing to phase out most Import Adjustment Taxes over the next decade, the Federal Government is signalling a shift from protection towards managed competitiveness.

Whether that transition succeeds, however, will depend on factors that lie far beyond the nation’s ports. Trade policy has always revealed what governments believe about their economies. Countries that fear competition often build higher tariff walls, while those confident in their productive capacity gradually lower them.

The July 2026 Customs, Excise Tariff Variation Order suggests that government officials recognise both realities. Some industries still require protection from cheaper imports, but the country can no longer afford to remain insulated from the continental market it helped create through the African Continental Free Trade Area. Out of the 192 product categories reviewed under the new tariff schedule, 103 retained their existing rates, 74 received lower tariffs, while only 12 attracted higher duties. In other words, about 54 per cent of the tariff lines were unchanged, 39 per cent were reduced and only about six per cent recorded increases.

Interrogating this data means that the reform is less about raising taxes on imports than about repositioning Nigeria’s trade policy. The government has chosen to protect selected sectors while easing the cost of importing many industrial inputs and gradually aligning the country’s tariff structure with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Common External Tariff (2022–2027) and AfCFTA commitments.

That is hardly the profile of an economy shutting its gates. The government has chosen its targets. Four categories of medications that previously attracted zero tariffs, including antibiotics, anti-malarial drugs and vitamin-based medicines, now face 20 per cent duties.

Lead-acid batteries used for starting vehicle engines rose from 20 per cent to 60 per cent. Printed paper labels doubled from 30 per cent to 60 per cent, while aluminium cans jumped from five per cent to 30 per cent. Some wire, fencing and steel products also attracted higher duties.

The figures tell a more complex story: tariffs were not uniformly raised to protect local producers. Duties on bulk rice and wheat flour fell by 40 percentage points, from 70 per cent to 30 per cent, while crude palm oil dropped from 35 per cent to 28.75 per cent. Some passenger vehicles also saw a 40-point reduction. The policy, therefore, reflects a balancing act between protecting domestic industry and keeping essential imports affordable.

The scale of these changes reveals a significant shift in the logic of protectionism. Rather than simply making imported alternatives more expensive to shelter domestic producers, the new tariff regime lowers some of the barriers that have long made imported goods costly. The tariff on bulk rice, for instance, falls from 70 per cent to 47.5 per cent, a reduction of 22.5 percentage points while broken rice drops to 30 per cent. Crude palm oil falls from 35 per cent to 28.75 per cent, and fully built passenger vehicles, including SUVs and station wagons, fall from 70 per cent to 40 per cent. These are not marginal adjustments: they substantially reduce the tax burden embedded in the final price of imported goods, potentially widening consumer choice, easing input costs for businesses that depend on imports, and increasing competitive pressure on domestic producers.

This is where the debate becomes more complicated than the usual argument between protectionists and free traders. A lower tariff does not automatically mean the government is abandoning local industry. If a Nigerian manufacturer depends on imported machinery, industrial chemicals, packaging materials or intermediate inputs, lower duties can reduce production costs and improve competitiveness.

Another advantage is that the government is giving selected industries breathing space while reducing costs for certain products and production inputs. The revised framework could support local manufacturing and encourage investment. There is also a less glamorous but critical consideration on revenue. Tariffs are not only instruments of industrial policy; they are also a source of government income. 

The Nigeria Customs Service has increasingly been positioned as a major revenue-generating institution at a time when the government is searching for money to finance infrastructure and reduce fiscal pressure. The stakes are particularly high because the government has continued to grant large-scale import duty waivers. The value of Import Duty Exemption Certificate approvals granted on selected imported goods and equipment rose to N34tn in 2025, a development that significantly reduced Customs’ revenue-generating capacity.

This exposes one of the central contradictions in Nigeria’s trade policy. The disadvantage is that tariff protection can easily become an expensive comfort zone. Nigerian industries have, at different times, benefited from protection in sectors such as automobiles, rice, sugar and textiles. Yet many manufacturers still struggle with electricity costs, poor roads, expensive credit, foreign exchange volatility, port congestion and multiple taxation.

A factory does not become globally competitive simply because its foreign competitor pays a higher duty. Tariffs can buy time. They cannot manufacture productivity. That is why the most consequential provision in the new framework may not be the increase in batteries or the reduction in rice tariffs. It is the government’s commitment to gradually eliminate most Import Adjustment Taxes from 2027 until they reach zero by 2036, except for products on the AfCFTA three per cent list.

That gives protection an expiry date. Nigeria is effectively telling its industries: use this window to become competitive because the tariff walls will not stand forever.

This is the preparation element of the policy. Under the AfCFTA, Nigerian businesses will increasingly compete with producers from Egypt, Morocco, Kenya, South Africa and other African economies. The question is not whether competition is coming. It is whether Nigerian firms will meet it with lower production costs, stronger infrastructure and greater productivity, or with another request for protection.

The government now has a decade to make the answer clear. It must use the transition period to reduce electricity costs, improve ports and transport corridors, expand access to affordable finance and create regulatory certainty. It must also review the enormous cost of duty exemptions if Customs is expected to deliver stronger revenue.

Manufacturers, on their part, must treat the protection period as an opportunity to invest in

technology and efficiency rather than as a permanent shield against competition. So, is Nigeria’s tariff reset protectionism or preparation for continental trade? It is both, but its success will depend on whether Nigeria uses temporary protection to build permanent.competitiveness. By 2036, when most Import Adjustment Taxes are expected to disappear, the real protection available to Nigerian industry will no longer be a tariff. It will be productivity that drives free trade.

 

Damilola Aina, a 2026 Free Trade Fellow at the Ominira Initiative. He can be reached via X @AinaDhamires.

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Damilola Aina

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